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- 美国法案对全球網絡造成威胁
- 我写下的这些都可以成为呈堂证供
- 『Time』一周摄影图片精选：January 20 - 27, 2012
- 『Time』一周摄影图片精选：January 20 - 27, 2012
- 有一种烂叫绚烂
- 有一种烂叫绚烂
- 纽约有北京这么祥和吗？
- 最伟大的发明终于登陆中国
- 【译者时评】愈演愈烈的藏僧自焚
- 《纽约时报》：韩寒的转向？
- 温总理的鞋子和澳总理的鞋子和姚小远的鞋子
- 索巴仁波切自焚前录音的遗嘱
- Is Democracy Chinese? An Interview with Journalist Chang Ping
- La gente di Wukan, bassorilievo sulla storia
- 纪念陈传熙先生
- 答春绿
- Is Democracy Chinese? An Interview with Journalist Chang Ping
- La gente di Wukan, bassorilievo sulla storia
- 刘源胡德平等人在给谁敲响警钟？
- 迭代出来的一个生活方式
| Posted: 28 Jan 2012 02:23 PM PST 全球之声瞭解，網絡是由我们使用者集合而成的。个人的参与让網絡成为具有令人吃惊的深度和多样性，但这只在开放性的技术和法律结构下才有可能。不幸 的是有些企业强权和政府势力想对網絡的开放性和使用加以限制，以保护版权为名对網絡进行检查和监控，向独裁国家如中国、伊朗和叙利亚看齐。 美国立法单位无视民众和技术专家的警告，正考虑制定两项法案，阻止網絡盗版法案（Stop Online Piracy Act，SOPA）和保护智慧财产法案（PIPA），两者皆会对全世界網絡的开放性造成实际的危险威胁。全球之声社群决定有所回应，加入维基百科、Reddit 和 BoingBoing 的"熄灯"行动，在一月十八日关闭全球之声言论自由网站十二小时，并在其他全球之声网站上加入提供更多资讯的标语横幅。
我们是以推广全世界公民媒体为目标的国际志愿者社群。过去六年来我们发表了超过七万五千篇文章，提供连结到超过廿种语言的博客和其他公民言论。网站 内容可以免费使用和传播。我们的任务需要透过开放的網絡进行，也需要提供简易发表分享内容的社群和公民媒体。我们的大部分成果奠基于 WordPress、维基百科、推特、Youtube、Flickr、Reddit、Tumblr 和其他许多线上媒体社群。 美国国会和参议院若通过 SOPA 和 PIPA 法案，将迫使以使用者提供内容为主的社群媒体平台主动检查使用者上传内容以免他们发表侵犯版权的文字或影像。这会增加全球使用者参与使用这些网站的成本，也可能迫使许多社群媒体，尤其小型网站和企业关闭。 我们担心这项法案将对生活在压迫政权下的行动分子的数位工作造成广泛伤害，也会限制全世界基本言论自由。现在美国版权法偶尔会被不当利用，造成实际上对言论的限制。在司法系统不够独立的国家，滥用版权法压迫行动派是简单而常见的作法。 许多国家内全球之声的参与者面临越来越具侵略性的监控和检查。有些人因为網絡活动入狱或被流放。通过这些法案等于向外界传达一个讯息，就是 美国政府相信监控和检查人民以找出"侵权行为"是可接受的，而这常常被等同于政治和宗教上的异议。通过 SOPA 和 PIPA 法案也会赋予美国政府不成比例的权力决定網絡的走向。对博客和行动份子来说这世界会变得更加危险，而所有人的言论自由都将降低。 SOPA 的最新版本在本周被无限期延后，但参议院版本的 PIPA 依然在进行中。推动法案通过的推手势力依然存在。因此全球之声在 2012 年一月十八日加入網絡熄灯行动。 全球之声言论自由网站近日关于 SOPA/PIPA 的文章：
其他瞭解 SOPA/PIPA 影响的途径：
你可以做什么： 如果你是美国公民，透过 Americancensorship.org可以快速联络你的民意代表或帮助你加入抗议活动。也可以从www.sopastrike.com深入瞭解抗议行动。 校对：Portnoy 作者 Ivan Sigal · 译者 Hsu-Lei Lee · 阅读原文 [en] · 则留言 (0) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Posted: 28 Jan 2012 11:51 AM PST 离这场闹剧大幕的落下到了倒数第二天，我先正经回答一些问题了。 这也许是我倒数第二篇关于此事的文章。 问题1：既然你......>>点击查看新浪博客原文 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 『Time』一周摄影图片精选：January 20 - 27, 2012 Posted: 28 Jan 2012 05:51 AM PST  链接： 《Times》新闻摄影图片精选 新闻摄影@Leica.org.cnSaturday, January 20, 2012 法籍土耳其抗议者挥舞着法国和土耳其国旗，抵制法国议会关于奥斯曼土耳其人对亚美尼亚人种族灭绝定论法案的通过，巴黎。摄影师：Ian Langsdon Franco-Turkish demonstrators wave French and Turkish flags as they protest against a Senate vote on a bill making it illegal to deny that the killing of Armenians by Ottoman Turks nearly a century ago was a genocide, near the French Senate in Paris.
Monday, January 23, 2012 大雪过后的喀布尔街头，阿富汗。摄影师：Musadeq Sadeq Afghans walk down a snow-covered road after a snowstorm in Kabul.
Tuesday, January 24, 2012 一名男孩从被白雪覆盖的恐龙塑像前跑过，这里正在举行"恐龙世界"的展览，此次展览的所有恐龙模型都是由德国汉诺威的自然历史博物馆监制完成的，萨拉热窝。摄影师：Fehim Demir
Tuesday, January 24, 2012 美国总统奥巴马在国会大厦发表年度国情咨文，华盛顿。摄影师：Martin H. Simon President Barack Obama delivers his annual Address to the Congress on the State of the Union, at the U.S. Capitol in Washington.
Friday, January 27, 2012 一名男子坐在只有蜡烛照明的家中，这一地区有多个村庄由于发电设备被盗，缺电超过1年时间，阿尔巴尼亚。摄影师：Armando Babani
Thursday, January 26, 2012 业余冬泳爱好者俱乐部的一名成员在叶尼塞河中游泳，当地气温约零下26摄氏度，俄罗斯西伯利亚城市克拉斯诺亚尔斯克。摄影师：Ilya Naymushin A member of the Cryophil amateur winter bathing club enters the Yenisei River with an air temperature some minus 26 degrees Celcius in Russia's Siberian city of Krasnoyarsk.
『Leica中文摄影杂志』推荐使用Email的方式订阅，亦可通过Google Reader、QQ阅读、鲜果等RSS工具阅读；在Apple Mac OS X下可获得最佳阅读体验  『iPhoto.ly』在苹果上阅读：iPhone版+iPad版，^_^ Tips： 关注我们： Twitter、饭否、微博 『小建议』如果你在Email里看到这篇文章，可以转发给你的朋友；如果你在Google Reader阅读器里看到这篇文章，可以共享给好友；如果你在豆瓣里看到这篇文章，不妨推荐给更多人；或者干脆Copy下这篇文章的链接，发给你MSN上最喜欢的人；我们永远相信，分享是一种美德，Great People Share Knowledge... Tags - time , 新闻摄影 , 一周精选   | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| 『Time』一周摄影图片精选：January 20 - 27, 2012 Posted: 28 Jan 2012 05:51 AM PST 链接： 《Times》新闻摄影图片精选 新闻摄影@Leica.org.cnSaturday, January 20, 2012 法籍土耳其抗议者挥舞着法国和土耳其国旗，抵制法国议会关于奥斯曼土耳其人对亚美尼亚人种族灭绝定论法案的通过，巴黎。摄影师：Ian Langsdon Franco-Turkish demonstrators wave French and Turkish flags as they protest against a Senate vote on a bill making it illegal to deny that the killing of Armenians by Ottoman Turks nearly a century ago was a genocide, near the French Senate in Paris.
Monday, January 23, 2012 大雪过后的喀布尔街头，阿富汗。摄影师：Musadeq Sadeq Afghans walk down a snow-covered road after a snowstorm in Kabul.
Tuesday, January 24, 2012 一名男孩从被白雪覆盖的恐龙塑像前跑过，这里正在举行"恐龙世界"的展览，此次展览的所有恐龙模型都是由德国汉诺威的自然历史博物馆监制完成的，萨拉热窝。摄影师：Fehim Demir
Tuesday, January 24, 2012 美国总统奥巴马在国会大厦发表年度国情咨文，华盛顿。摄影师：Martin H. Simon President Barack Obama delivers his annual Address to the Congress on the State of the Union, at the U.S. Capitol in Washington.
Friday, January 27, 2012 一名男子坐在只有蜡烛照明的家中，这一地区有多个村庄由于发电设备被盗，缺电超过1年时间，阿尔巴尼亚。摄影师：Armando Babani
Thursday, January 26, 2012 业余冬泳爱好者俱乐部的一名成员在叶尼塞河中游泳，当地气温约零下26摄氏度，俄罗斯西伯利亚城市克拉斯诺亚尔斯克。摄影师：Ilya Naymushin A member of the Cryophil amateur winter bathing club enters the Yenisei River with an air temperature some minus 26 degrees Celcius in Russia's Siberian city of Krasnoyarsk.
『Leica中文摄影杂志』推荐使用Email的方式订阅，亦可通过Google Reader、QQ阅读、鲜果等RSS工具阅读；在Apple Mac OS X下可获得最佳阅读体验 『iPhoto.ly』在苹果上阅读：iPhone版+iPad版，^_^ Tips： 关注我们： Twitter、饭否、微博 『小建议』如果你在Email里看到这篇文章，可以转发给你的朋友；如果你在Google Reader阅读器里看到这篇文章，可以共享给好友；如果你在豆瓣里看到这篇文章，不妨推荐给更多人；或者干脆Copy下这篇文章的链接，发给你MSN上最喜欢的人；我们永远相信，分享是一种美德，Great People Share Knowledge... Tags - time , 新闻摄影 , 一周精选  | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Posted: 28 Jan 2012 08:14 AM PST 一周语文｜2012（05）｜2012-1-23-2012-1-29
汉字"镉"为会意简形声字，《说文》中无此字，本义为鼎类烹煮器具，后移用为金属元素名称，其原子序数为48，银白色，有微蓝光泽，质软，有延展性。镉能吸收中子，多用于核反应堆中的中子吸收棒，也可用于制造镉气灯、烟幕弹、颜料、医用合金、蓄电池等，其化合物有毒。 ————————————————————————————————————————— 【生肖魔力】 来自周四联合早报网站文章，原文标题是"新生儿将超过20万台迎接龙年生育高峰"。报道说，自上一个龙年迎接30万5300名龙宝宝出生后，台湾生育率一路下跌。不过，此后生育率则像溜滑梯般地下滑。随着新龙年到来，"生肖魔力"重现，"台湾政府预估今年台湾新生儿将超过20万人，有望另创12年来生育率新高。" 【呆立荒坟前，自语竟半天】 语出画家老树画画大年初一微博："昨日去上坟，大雪满空山。呆立荒坟前，自语竟半天。母亲驻这里，我过什么年？"这段顺口溜朴素直白，可在我读来，它仍留足了让人泪眼婆娑的空间，有一抹思念之风从那儿吹过来，酸甜参半。 【新闻自由指数】 来自作家杜然本周推荐，语出网友BBC李文周三微博： "'无国界记者'组织发表了一年一度的全球'新闻自由指数'。芬兰再度名列榜首。台湾位居第45位，比2010年上升了3位，香港则名列第54位，比前一年大跌了20位。至于中国大陆则在179个国家中名列174位，比2010年下跌了3位。排在中国之后的依次是伊朗、叙利亚、土库曼斯坦、朝鲜和榜末的厄立特里亚。" 【判断人智商高低最简便的途径之一是看他对标点符号的运用】 来自作家曲飞周五微博："微博上一个哥们说过，判断人智商高低最简便的途径之一是看他对标点符号的运用，一般来说，感叹号使用次数的多少，与智商成反比。现在越来越以为然。"作家庄雅婷留言称赞此微博："有道理啊！！！有点意思啊！！！"作家王丫米留言说："说的有理！！！！！！！"两位作家恶搞惊叹号，两则留言一下用了13个惊叹号。 【代笔】 语出方寒之争。春节七八天长假，势压春晚的笔墨官司即方舟子韩寒笔战里，"代笔"成为关键词。 【平静是花不安是草这样的夜晚你该不该见她】 语出作家、诗人巫昂诗作"恋曲2012"："如果你愿意/我可以把99%的爱给你/以及适量的性/其余的/用来浇花，施肥，仰望密集的树//平静是花/不安是草/这样的夜晚你该不该见她/她是草/有时开花//2012，时日无多/这星球是齐柏林飞艇，早已超载/你是要你的玫瑰呢/还是花" 【维修性拆除】 来自本周媒体报道。本周，梁思成林徽因故居被拆事引发广泛关注。据南方都市报报道，林故居被拆系开发单位"维修性拆除"。针对这一"维修性拆除"，剧作家史航说："日本反战电影《海与毒药》有句台词：'在这个人人都在死去的时代，你却想单单留住一个人吗？'我相信，"拆"已成国家宿命，因为源自资本心魔。所有强拆、隐拆、异地重建、维修性拆除，骨子里都是一回事，就像蝗灾，是前仆后继不计后果的吞噬。" 【青春啊你别走留我一个人活不下去】 来自饭友沙达克周六推荐，语出饭友瘦死也光荣饭文："最近老化的厉害，不戴眼镜就看不见东西，青春啊你别走，留我一个人活不下去。" 【鸟之大者】 语出导演胡淑芬周三微博，算是贴观战有感："王朔骂金庸，金庸说，我八风不动，我不理你不理你不理你。其实已经着了道。说这个是想告诉韩寒，谁也不鸟，才是最鸟的。为了证明自己有小JJ，连当年的无痛梦幻包皮环切手术记录都拿出来晒，反倒差意思了。你的爱人知道你有小JJ就行了。面对质疑，微笑不语，心里回一句'关你们鸟事'，这才是鸟之大者。" 【让我们用看色情片的心情来看所有的电影吧】 语出作家毛尖专栏文章，原文标题是"不要走开"。在这篇文章里，毛老师细述观影心态之变："调整了自己的心态，看电影的乐趣又回来了。《十三钗》的民族记忆抛开，《十三钗》的好莱坞化抛开，妓女处女这样低腐的内核抛开，张艺谋光影的能力还是强，仗打得像，子弹效果好，还有演员也都尽心尽力。一言以蔽之，让我们用看色情片的心情来看所有的电影吧，用本地情色片大腕的话说，《肉蒲团》好看，就是3D效果呈现的肉新鲜！""作为一个资深吐槽客，新的一年，我准备洗心革面，每一次，都用看黄片的心情走进电影院。由此，我也能满怀信心地向自己向大家预告：2012，不要走开。" 【12语文第一季】
【不可能】 语出评家押沙龙周六博文，原文标题是"韩寒事件：不可能三字，何以服韩寒？""有人赌咒说，要是韩寒有枪手，他把键盘吃了。我也不认识韩寒，犯不着为他冒这个险，再说我的胃也不太好。我只想说：游戏不是这么个玩法。别说现在我不觉得韩寒有枪手，就算韩寒真有枪手，没有真凭实据我们也只能眼看他漏网，而不能用一堆'不可能'来说他的事。" 【不怕神一样的对手就怕猪一样的队友】 网络俗语，在近期方寒之争中被引用较多的一句话，尤其被方舟子粉丝韩寒粉丝在言辞互指时使用。 【竹报平安】 成语，因春晚而被再度提起。据媒体报道，《咬文嚼字》杂志今年再度关注春晚，"今年，《咬文嚼字》杀了个'回马枪'，考察龙年春晚的文字质量。"他们发现，春晚节目之一杂技《空山竹语》播出时，主持人董卿对它的解释有误："董卿显然把'竹报平安'理解成在竹简上写平安家信了，这无疑不对。'竹报平安'是个成语，出自唐代段成式《酉阳杂俎续集》：北都只有童子寺里有一丛竹子，刚数尺高，主管寺院事务的纲维和尚每日都向寺院有关人员报告，竹子没有枯萎，很平安。后以'竹报平安'指平安家信，也简称'竹报'。" | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Posted: 28 Jan 2012 08:00 AM PST 一周语文｜2012（05）｜2012-1-23-2012-1-29
汉字"镉"为会意简形声字，《说文》中无此字，本义为鼎类烹煮器具，后移用为金属元素名称，其原子序数为48，银白色，有微蓝光泽，质软，有延展性。镉能吸收中子，多用于核反应堆中的中子吸收棒，也可用于制造镉气灯、烟幕弹、颜料、医用合金、蓄电池等，其化合物有毒。 ————————————————————————————————————————— 【生肖魔力】 来自周四联合早报网站文章，原文标题是"新生儿将超过20万台迎接龙年生育高峰"。报道说，自上一个龙年迎接30万5300名龙宝宝出生后，台湾生育率一路下跌。不过，此后生育率则像溜滑梯般地下滑。随着新龙年到来，"生肖魔力"重现，"台湾政府预估今年台湾新生儿将超过20万人，有望另创12年来生育率新高。" 【呆立荒坟前，自语竟半天】 语出画家老树画画大年初一微博："昨日去上坟，大雪满空山。呆立荒坟前，自语竟半天。母亲驻这里，我过什么年？"这段顺口溜朴素直白，可在我读来，它仍留足了让人泪眼婆娑的空间，有一抹思念之风从那儿吹过来，酸甜参半。 【新闻自由指数】 来自作家杜然本周推荐，语出网友BBC李文周三微博： "'无国界记者'组织发表了一年一度的全球'新闻自由指数'。芬兰再度名列榜首。台湾位居第45位，比2010年上升了3位，香港则名列第54位，比前一年大跌了20位。至于中国大陆则在179个国家中名列174位，比2010年下跌了3位。排在中国之后的依次是伊朗、叙利亚、土库曼斯坦、朝鲜和榜末的厄立特里亚。" 【判断人智商高低最简便的途径之一是看他对标点符号的运用】 来自作家曲飞周五微博："微博上一个哥们说过，判断人智商高低最简便的途径之一是看他对标点符号的运用，一般来说，感叹号使用次数的多少，与智商成反比。现在越来越以为然。"作家庄雅婷留言称赞此微博："有道理啊！！！有点意思啊！！！"作家王丫米留言说："说的有理！！！！！！！"两位作家恶搞惊叹号，两则留言一下用了13个惊叹号。 【代笔】 语出方寒之争。春节七八天长假，势压春晚的笔墨官司即方舟子韩寒笔战里，"代笔"成为关键词。 【平静是花不安是草这样的夜晚你该不该见她】 语出作家、诗人巫昂诗作"恋曲2012"："如果你愿意/我可以把99%的爱给你/以及适量的性/其余的/用来浇花，施肥，仰望密集的树//平静是花/不安是草/这样的夜晚你该不该见她/她是草/有时开花//2012，时日无多/这星球是齐柏林飞艇，早已超载/你是要你的玫瑰呢/还是花" 【维修性拆除】 来自本周媒体报道。本周，梁思成林徽因故居被拆事引发广泛关注。据南方都市报报道，林故居被拆系开发单位"维修性拆除"。针对这一"维修性拆除"，剧作家史航说："日本反战电影《海与毒药》有句台词：'在这个人人都在死去的时代，你却想单单留住一个人吗？'我相信，"拆"已成国家宿命，因为源自资本心魔。所有强拆、隐拆、异地重建、维修性拆除，骨子里都是一回事，就像蝗灾，是前仆后继不计后果的吞噬。" 【青春啊你别走留我一个人活不下去】 来自饭友沙达克周六推荐，语出饭友瘦死也光荣饭文："最近老化的厉害，不戴眼镜就看不见东西，青春啊你别走，留我一个人活不下去。" 【鸟之大者】 语出导演胡淑芬周三微博，算是贴观战有感："王朔骂金庸，金庸说，我八风不动，我不理你不理你不理你。其实已经着了道。说这个是想告诉韩寒，谁也不鸟，才是最鸟的。为了证明自己有小JJ，连当年的无痛梦幻包皮环切手术记录都拿出来晒，反倒差意思了。你的爱人知道你有小JJ就行了。面对质疑，微笑不语，心里回一句'关你们鸟事'，这才是鸟之大者。" 【让我们用看色情片的心情来看所有的电影吧】 语出作家毛尖专栏文章，原文标题是"不要走开"。在这篇文章里，毛老师细述观影心态之变："调整了自己的心态，看电影的乐趣又回来了。《十三钗》的民族记忆抛开，《十三钗》的好莱坞化抛开，妓女处女这样低腐的内核抛开，张艺谋光影的能力还是强，仗打得像，子弹效果好，还有演员也都尽心尽力。一言以蔽之，让我们用看色情片的心情来看所有的电影吧，用本地情色片大腕的话说，《肉蒲团》好看，就是3D效果呈现的肉新鲜！""作为一个资深吐槽客，新的一年，我准备洗心革面，每一次，都用看黄片的心情走进电影院。由此，我也能满怀信心地向自己向大家预告：2012，不要走开。" 【12语文第一季】
【不可能】 语出评家押沙龙周六博文，原文标题是"韩寒事件：不可能三字，何以服韩寒？""有人赌咒说，要是韩寒有枪手，他把键盘吃了。我也不认识韩寒，犯不着为他冒这个险，再说我的胃也不太好。我只想说：游戏不是这么个玩法。别说现在我不觉得韩寒有枪手，就算韩寒真有枪手，没有真凭实据我们也只能眼看他漏网，而不能用一堆'不可能'来说他的事。" 【不怕神一样的对手就怕猪一样的队友】 网络俗语，在近期方寒之争中被引用较多的一句话，尤其被方舟子粉丝韩寒粉丝在言辞互指时使用。 【竹报平安】 成语，因春晚而被再度提起。据媒体报道，《咬文嚼字》杂志今年再度关注春晚，"今年，《咬文嚼字》杀了个'回马枪'，考察龙年春晚的文字质量。"他们发现，春晚节目之一杂技《空山竹语》播出时，主持人董卿对它的解释有误："董卿显然把'竹报平安'理解成在竹简上写平安家信了，这无疑不对。'竹报平安'是个成语，出自唐代段成式《酉阳杂俎续集》：北都只有童子寺里有一丛竹子，刚数尺高，主管寺院事务的纲维和尚每日都向寺院有关人员报告，竹子没有枯萎，很平安。后以'竹报平安'指平安家信，也简称'竹报'。" | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Posted: 28 Jan 2012 05:25 AM PST 北京大型超市买刀实行实名制 顾客须出示身份证 不带身份证，不能买菜刀等刀具。最近，本市大型商超和家居用品店相继贴出通知，购买刀具实行"实名制"，须登记姓名、说明用途。 昨天，家住大望路附近的张女士准备搬新家买几件厨房刀具，在无印良品朝阳大悦城店购刀结账时，店内工作人员要求张女士出示身份证，否则无法购刀。 "我哪儿知道买刀也'实名制'了。"张女士因没带身份证，这刀愣是没买成。 记者昨天下午来到无印良品朝阳大悦城店和华贸中心店，发现店内出售刀具的区域贴着通知，提醒市民，根据公安机关的要求，在店内购买所有刀具都要出示身份证进行登记。 通知上写明：严禁卖给行为异常、精神异常者以及未成年人。如遇上述人员买刀具要立即上报属地派出所。对购买管制刀具的单位和个人要实名登记身份证。最后注明，该通知要贴在刀具销售柜台显著位置。 朝阳大悦城无印良品店内的工作人员表示，遇到购买刀具的顾客，店员要登记其姓名、身份证号、家庭住址、购刀用途等信息。 记者走访了永旺、沃尔玛、家乐福等多家大型超市，发现永旺大悦城店及华堂十里堡店目前并没有刀具出售，而沃尔玛、家乐福在刀具销售位置也摆放了"实名制"提示，顾客买刀时也需要进行实名登记。 昨天下午，家乐福静安庄店内的刀柜前，几名顾客正在挑选刀具。这几天新春促销，原本700元左右的8件套刀具只卖200多元，吸引了一些顾客购买。 记者发现，这个刀柜和其他货架不同，玻璃门已经被锁上，顾客只能隔着玻璃挑选，在挑好之后再由促销员打开。在玻璃门的一角，贴着购买刀具要登记身份证的提示。 "您带身份证了吗？得登记一下。"顾客还没有挑好刀具，促销员就已经提前发问。在得到肯定答复后，促销员才继续向顾客介绍商品。 据沃尔玛和家乐福的工作人员介绍说，买刀"实名制"已实行了一段时间，销量没有明显变化。 记者发现不少小型五金店内也有刀具出售，相较于大型商超和家居店的实名制购刀，五金店店主表示顾客不用登记任何信息，便可购买刀具。 来源：法制晚报 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Posted: 28 Jan 2012 05:23 AM PST 核心提示：在受够了中国公安局办事人员的官僚主义嘴脸之后，博主在一家银行里发现了中国最伟大的一项发明——客户满意度打分机。 原文：The greatest invention to ever hit China 作者：Eric Fish (Twitter: @ericfish85) 发表：2012年1月18日 本文由"译者"志愿者翻译并校对 我第一次从南京搬到北京的时候，在公安局经历了一次不快。我的旧学生签证到期之前，我刚刚回了一趟家，用两天的时间更新了我的签证。但是学校给错了文件（尽管和正确的相差无几）。我问了一下他们能否就这么办了，不过显然这问题是不必考虑了。于是我又问我是否能付钱延期我现在的签证；之前我曾经延过，知道这个是可以延的。于是： 签证女官员：你以为这是个游戏吗？你可以得到你想要的任何签证？ 我：不，只是我的学校弄错了，我想要延期现在的签证，这样我可以和他们把事情弄清楚。我以前就延过。 签证女官员：不，你只需要回到美国去，向中国使馆申请。 我：你是在TMD开我玩笑吗？我刚刚从美国回来，我之前延过签证，我知道这是可以的。 签证女官员不屑一顾地摇摇头，挥手让我离开，不再说一个字。 我开始理解为什么我和她之间要有一道防弹玻璃做屏障了。我打了一些电话，让我的学校赶快出新文件，但是之后我知道对延期签证一事我完全没说错。那个签证女官员要我在路上赶几个星期、再花掉数千美元只是让她自己省几分钟的时间，不多干点儿活。 她就是个毫无感情的官僚，政府付钱给她，让她坐在那儿，如果她多干一丁点儿，她就郁闷得要骂娘。如果有熟人或者是值得她注意的人求她帮忙，她就会滥用那一点点的小权，但是要指望她做自己的分内事，她就打算让你们一整天都过不好。如果你想在中国无穷无尽的国营垄断机构里办点儿事，你一定见过这种人。 但是后来几天，我去开一个银行账户，发现了一个自从改革开放以来可以最深刻地改变中国的革命性的小东西： 这是一个顾客评价机。在办完事之后，你只要轻按按钮，就可以输入满意度，总分会影响这位员工的工作。银行的服务好极了，这可不是什么巧合。 当我打电话安装网络的时候也得到了类似的体验。前两个客服代表跟我说话的时候仿佛我是傻X，在浪费他们的时间，而不是想帮他们的公司赚钱。但是第三个就好得没话说。我发现在和他们谈完之后，会有自动的提示让我输入满意程度。 想想看每个官僚、秘书、医生、警察、检查官、火车售票员、监理等等都要达到某个客户满意度指标会怎么样。客户服务和效率都会大大提升，而小渎职行为将大大下降。 如果这个机制证明成功的话，谁知道呢，也许每隔4、5年这样的小机器都会和这些人的升迁相关呢。 我呼吁政府开始立刻生产大量这样的机器。我想不到还有什么比这个对中国的持续发展更好的投资了。 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Posted: 28 Jan 2012 07:20 AM PST 核心提示：一系列藏族僧人自焚事件，是中国政府的藏族政策走入恶性循环的明证，是北京的强硬政策和维稳越维越差的结果。胡锦涛的十年，在他自己最引以为傲的西藏问题上一败涂地，真是成也萧何，败也萧何。 【译者时评】是由译者成员根据平时了解的信息，在新闻发生的第一时间给出我们的观点，版权采用cc3.0协议，欢迎注明来源转发。 新春伊始，藏族僧尼自焚事件演化到一个新的顶点。大年初 一，四川甘孜藏族自治州炉霍县藏族人聚集起来冲击派出所，当局向示威者开枪，造成藏人示威者一死四伤，5名公安民警受伤。大年初二，邻近的色达县发生类似 事件，警察开枪后造成一死一伤。据新华社报道，炉霍县的暴力事件是因为自焚流言所致。 自 去年3月份以来，中国各省藏区已经有16名藏人自焚，其中14人来自四川省藏区。面对这些自焚事件，中国和流亡西藏两方各执一词。中国政府指责这些藏人自 焚，是海外藏人组织、煽动的结果，这些僧尼已经触犯了佛教大戒；而流亡藏人认为这些自焚事件反映了境内藏人特别是藏族僧尼阶层，生活在绝望之中，甚至一死 求生。同时，中国政府对每一处发生自焚的地点推出更加高压的政策。在自焚事件发生最多的阿坝县格尔登寺，政府驱逐一些僧人，对其他僧人进行"爱国教育"， 并在格尔登寺和邻近区域实行戒严，甚至警察巡逻都随身携带灭火器。 一系列藏族僧人自焚事件，是中国政府的藏族政策走入恶性循环的明证，是北京的强硬政策和维稳越维越差的结果。胡锦涛的十年，在他自己最引以为傲的西藏问题上一败涂地，真是成也萧何，败也萧何。 过去数年中，在中国的藏区，政府和藏传佛教界的关系越来越差，尤其是未能成功培养出一个独立于流亡藏人佛教界、在境内藏区享有厚望、同时能够与政府和谐相处的佛教高僧群体。另一方面，由于中国不恰当的文化经济政策，也未能成功培养一个将现代化和传统西藏文化有机结合 很多中国人拥有强烈的大一统意识， 值得关注的是，随着藏区的反抗形式越来越走向极端，有更多的汉人也在关注中国共产党在藏区面临的"维稳困境"。根据"中国新闻网"的报道，在西藏自治区党委书记陈全国的授意下，西藏举行了送领袖像进寺庙活动。这条消息在微博上引起的反响和过去相当不同。过去一提到西藏问题，就有大量汉人表示"支持统一、反对分裂"。现在，即使是不信仰藏传佛教的汉人，也能理解用这样的方式来会招致反感，不但对解决西藏问题于事无补，反而会激起更大的民族矛盾和宗教仇恨。而这样的敌意在过去数 百年来汉藏混居的历史上都没有出现，如果因为中国共产党拙劣的"维稳政策"而终于酿成这样的苦果，那无疑是汉藏两个民族共同的悲剧。对于这两个都拥有极高的处事智慧和哲学性思维的成熟民族来说，这也实在是太令人遗憾的"双输"结局。 自焚事件正在考验中国，印度学者Abanti Bhattacharya如是说。她认为，"自焚并不表明越来越多的藏人感到沮丧。然而，它表明，尽管北京出台种种新的镇压措施，自焚是最新出现的抗议形式。"在16起自焚事件后，我们看到炉霍、色达等地爆发大规模冲突，这些抗议形式的发展令人心惊。我 们关注的是，在如此多的"自焚"事件之后，北京当局有无可能对自己的藏区政策作出一定程度的反省，采取更为尊重民族心理、宗教信仰、文化认同的方式，重建汉藏之间的互信互重。如果说，在"乌坎"事件的处理上，还能够看到体制内多少有些不同的声音，那么，在边疆、民族问题上，体制内是否还敢有不同的声音 中国政府一向不屑于同十四世达赖喇嘛打交道，他们在等待他的往生。然而，按照中国当局目前的思路，一 旦十四世达赖喇嘛往生，他不会得到中国政府恰当的响应；中国政府甚至试图进一步刺激藏传佛教界，用自己的方式，抛开目前的甘丹颇章，遴选下世达赖喇嘛。考虑到目前激烈的自焚和骚乱事件，可以想象，藏族人会为第一位在藏区之外逝世的达赖喇嘛感到悲哀和冤屈，整个民族的情绪会在那一刻迎来一个爆发点。 本文版权属于译者所有。©译者遵守知识共享署名-非商业性使用-相同方式共享 3.0许可协议。 译文遵循CC3.0版权标准。转载务必标明链接和"转自译者"。不得用于商业目的。发送邮件至 yyyyiiii+subscribe@googlegroups.com 即可订阅译文；到iTunes 中搜索"译者"即可订阅和下载译者Podcast；点击这里可以播放和下载所有译者已公开的视频、音频和杂志。（需翻墙）。  | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Posted: 28 Jan 2012 06:51 AM PST 核心提示：中国最深刻问题的病根本质上出现在文化和社会上，最好是经由改革而非革命来处理这些问题。并非是说中国人还"没做好准备"，而是说将存在一个缓慢的过程。 原文链接：Han Han's U-Turn? | The New York Times 作者：陶健（ERIC ABRAHAMSEN） 发表时间：2012年1月26日 译者：牛虻 本文由"译者"志愿者校对  【韩寒，中国作家和博主，2010年2月在上海。Shiho Fukada/《纽约时报》】 北京——三周前，中国最知名的博主韩寒发表了三篇引起轩然大波的博文，他从悲观的视角出发，传达了对于革命、民主和自由的看法，由此引发的网上争辩时至今日已经堕入荒谬的境地。 最近的无事生非源自另一名小有名气的博客作者麦田，他断言韩寒不可能是自己博客文章的原作者，给出的理由是那些文章被发表的时候，其中一些日子他还在参加赛车。 韩寒——小说家、 赛车手、及拥有全球读者最多的博主——是替中国年轻人表达不满的发言人。他就时事发表的带讥讽意味的评论表达了公众对官员腐败和滥用权力的愤慨，同时避免对政府直接抨击，那会让他的博客遭到审查。三篇随笔标志着韩寒破天荒地尝试表露明确的政治立场。 无论在国内或是国外，大部分贬低韩寒的人似乎反对他更偏好改革而不是革命：他的三篇随笔是对精神反抗泼了一盆冷水，实质上是拒绝异见人士的英雄主义。他进一步评论中国人缺乏公民精神，无法寄望他们反抗政府，使得三篇文章更不受欢迎。 很多持自由主义思想的读者此前将韩寒视为同一阵营，这三篇文章被他们视为一种背叛。最糟糕的是，这些文章还获得了保守的政府评论员的称赞。 最不堪的是，韩寒现在被认为支持最可恨的一则谬论：中国人还没有为民主做好"准备"。但他在三篇博文的第二篇中对此批评作出了回应。在描述推翻共产党的不可能性时，他说："它已经不能简单地被认为是一个党派或者阶层了。共产党的缺点很多时候其实就是人民的缺点……它就是人民本身。问题并不是要把共产党给怎么怎么样。改变了人民，就是改变了一切。法治，教育，文化才是根基。" 在这里，他说得非常正确：中国最深刻的问题本质上是文化和社会问题，最好是经由改革而非革命来解决这些问题。并不是说中国人还"没做好准备"，而是说将存在一个缓慢的过程。 "当街上的人开车交会时都能关掉远光灯了,就能放心革命了。" 韩寒写道。"但这样的国家,也不需要任何的革命了。" 相反，他认为过程将会是循序渐进的，在此期间，可以促成民主的文化价值将伴随着民主本身逐渐形成。"民主其实就是一场讨价还价的过程。" 任何人到一所中国小学的课堂上去旁听一下，或者列席一家中国公司的管理层会议，抑或是目击几乎存在于中国社会每一个层面的权力运行方式，就会明白这个过程会是多么长。从年幼时代起，孩子们就被灌输一种有害的对权力的顺从思想，像是极不情愿履行对下一代应有的责任。"没做好准备"的观点在中国社会内部被人频繁地引用，从不让自己孩子在公园跑动的父母，到不被允许作出独立裁决的法官。北京一些驾校没有涵盖上路训练，因为那样会很"危险"——从来不去考虑拿到驾照后会发生什么。 我曾有机会对一名中国小伙子明确地表达这一观点，结果却没有。我们在北京郊外徒步旅行，返回的路上，他给我讲述了一个发生在他高中年代的故事，那时他的班级获准选举班长。 像任何地方自作聪明的孩子们一样，他们选出了班上的小丑作为班长，此人完全不适合这个职位。老师宣布他们的决定无效并物色了新的人选。我的驴友看着一旁的我说，如果老师不这么做，"我们就将一整年跟那个傻瓜纠缠不清。" 这是漫长、炎热的一天，我被要求站在西方文明的角度来谈及我的看法，可当时我没有搞明白——我想只是咕噜了几句作为回应。当然，我本该说老师应该让他们被那个傻瓜缠住。这样，不胜任的学生当领导一年后，学生们将会学着去更严肃地承担他们的责任。越早出错就越好，那时后果还不算太严重。民主是一个长期的、讨价还价的缓慢过程，无论它什么时候开始。 我想韩寒会同意我的看法。 陶健（Eric Abrahamsen）是一名文学翻译兼出版顾问。 本文版权属于原出版公司及作者所有。©译者遵守知识共享署名-非商业性使用-相同方式共享 3.0许可协议。 译文遵循CC3.0版权标准。转载务必标明链接和"转自译者"。不得用于商业目的。发送邮件至 yyyyiiii+subscribe@googlegroups.com 即可订阅译文；到iTunes 中搜索"译者"即可订阅和下载译者Podcast；点击这里可以播放和下载所有译者已公开的视频、音频和杂志。（需翻墙）。  | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Posted: 28 Jan 2012 06:36 AM PST 远古时代的人是不穿鞋的，所以没有鞋子的问题。可以说，一部人类的文明史，就是鞋子的历史。 两个有关鞋子的故事特别有意思，一个是中国的，说的是某个朝代重农抑商，商人即使再有钱，都被法律不允许穿绸缎做的鞋子，只能穿麻布鞋。就是穿麻布鞋，都不许穿同一种颜色的。想象中国某个时代的商人们即使有钱都只能穿两种颜色的鞋子，现在看来是时尚，放在那个年代，该是多大的羞辱啊。那些年代是中国的本色年代，重农抑商，可见中国历史并不都是嫌贫爱富，也有许多十三不靠的高风亮节时候。 另一个故事是外国的，说的是一家鞋企要到某地开拓市场。先派了一个销售员，结果那厮去了某地后发现，当地人就不穿鞋子。于是，灰头土脸地告诉总部，那里的人不穿鞋子，没有市场，就回了。第二个销售员到了某地后，引导当地人穿鞋子。结果，一个很大的市场就被打开了。 从上面两个故事，我们可以看到，中国人和外国人在鞋子问题上的态度和做法，都是不同的。对于中国人来说，鞋子可以成为一种象征，对于外国人来说，鞋子更现实和实际。 鞋子成为一种政治符号和隐喻，则是最近几年的事情。最有名的先是美国前总统小布什到访伊拉克被伊拉克记者扔鞋子事件。后来，在其回忆录里，小布什写道： "我向我的特勤队长挥手示意，让他停下。我可不想让一群人簇拥着我离开记者招待会现场的画面被拍摄记录下来。我瞥了眼马利基，他看起来被吓到了。伊拉克记者们感觉很丢脸、很生气。有个人一边难过地摇头，一边道歉。我举手示意，叫大家都平静下来。 "你们想知道详情吗？他扔的鞋子是10码的。"我说道。扔鞋的家伙是想破坏这次活动，我把大事化小，这样他的目的就无法得逞。 被一位记者扔了鞋，这算是我非同寻常的经历之一。" 小布什被伊拉克记者扔鞋子之后不久，温总理在英国也遭遇被剑桥学生扔鞋子事件。跟美国总统的轻松、调侃不一样的，温总理非常严肃地说："老师们、同学们，这种卑鄙的伎俩阻挡不了中英两国人民的友谊！" 上面两个鞋子事件告诉我们，中国总理和美国总统在国际上终于享受同等待遇了。不过，温总理的现场反应虽然义正词严却有些色厉内荏，小家子气和内心虚弱的样子令人不以为然，缺乏大国总理应有的宽容。可见，即使中国的国际地位提高了，如果做不到内心强大，还是会举止失措，挺丢人的。 从温总理被扔鞋子，想到有关温总理那双穿了好多年的旅游鞋的相关消息。相信，温总理那双总是在应该出现时候出现的旅游鞋最后会被某些马屁精收藏到国家博物馆之类的地方去，像朱德和林彪的扁担一样成为自我吹嘘吹捧的证物。 同样是总理，澳大利亚总理吉拉德却同人不同命。继1月26日国庆日活动中受到约200名土著居民围困抗议，脱困时跑丢一只鞋子不久。1月27日，这只著名的鞋子就被人拿到网站拍卖。不到一个小时，从起步价的148澳元飙升到2000澳元，这种行为在中国人看来，比向总理扔鞋子还要不可理喻和不可思议。可是至今，我们也没有看到澳大利亚有关部门对这个貌似丢人事件的态度和行动。于是，我们可以得出结论，权力被关进笼子里的资本主义国家里，权力人物已经成为弱势群体。如果反过来，是澳大利亚总理拿了土著的鞋子，不要说拿到网站拍卖，就是过了一会儿给人家还回去，怕也会被国民的口水给淹死。 写到这里，我要说的是：我希望有一天，中国总理、总书记这些不可一世的大人物们的鞋子 也被某个民众挂到网站拍卖，成为民众娱乐和狂欢的道具。那时候的中国，才是可爱的中国呢！从方志敏开始念叨可爱的中国到现在已经半个多世纪了，可爱的中国一直在我们的意淫里高潮迭起，却从来没有在现实里被见到过。 说到自己的鞋子，可说的很多我却不想多说。我喜欢穿布鞋，小时候很多年的梦想就是运动会时有一双漂亮的白球鞋。前年某位朋友送我两双手工布鞋，一双已经穿坏丢掉，另一双在时间的角落里蒙尘，却不舍得穿在脚上。现在，即使穿再好再贵的鞋，我都不会有那种单纯的欢乐和喜悦了！ 小远2012年1月28日22:28雨 上海理道之理道文化兔，我只是一只有文化的兔子 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Posted: 28 Jan 2012 07:55 AM PST 【注：以上第一个视频是索巴仁波切本人录音的遗嘱，第二个视频是他的遗嘱被译成英语，并由RFA记者用卫藏语念诵。】 2012年1月8日，索巴仁波切在安多果洛达日（今青海省果洛藏族自治州达日县）自焚。他是2009年以来境内藏地自焚的第16位藏人，是2012年境内藏地自焚的第3位藏人。迄今，已有17位境内藏人以自焚来表达决绝的抗议。 提供录音遗嘱者的说明：目前对于索巴仁波切的死因有不实传言，一种声称他是因男女关系而走上绝路；另一种声称他是因患有严重的传染病而走上绝路，许多来自各地的藏人在慰问索巴仁波切的家人、参加他的火葬及四十九天超度时，被如是告知，传言甚至说他的家人也可能患有传染病，试图以此阻止各地的吊唁者。 事实上，许多认识索巴仁波切的人，了解他的人，接触过他的人都知道他的为人。他牺牲前身体很健康，是一位授过圆满具足比丘戒的出家人，谁都没有听说过他曾违背戒律。索巴仁波切的所作所为对雪域藏地的贡献是不可估量的。他的离去是整个雪域、特别是果洛地区僧俗的重大损失。如果世人能明辨是非、黑白，请听他最后的告诫。以下内容是索巴仁波切最后的遗言。 录音整理成藏文者：堪布阿旺多杰 http://www.khabdha.org/?p=24588 藏文译成中文译者：东宗 索巴仁波切声音：http://www.rfa.org/tibetan/chediklaytsen/amdolaytsen/amdo-stringer/%20%20statement-recorded-by-sopa-rinpoche-before-his-self-immolation-01202012115218.html/t012012sp.mp3/inline.html 索巴仁波切遗嘱全文如下： 国内外六百万藏人兄弟姐妹们，在此，我向为藏人的自由而牺牲的以图丹欧珠[1]为主的英雄们、为六百万藏人的团聚和藏地的幸福而献出宝贵生命的英雄儿女们，表示无比地感谢和钦佩。我已经四十多岁，一直没有勇气像你们那样做，以致苟活到今天。所幸的是，我也努力地为藏文化的大五明及小五明的弘扬做了一些贡献。 在21世纪尤其今年，是雪域的许多英雄儿女献出宝贵生命的一年，我也愿贡献自己的血肉来表示支援和敬意。我的牺牲不是为了显示自己有多么伟大，我诚心诚意地忏悔所犯三昧耶戒以及一切罪业，特别是金刚密乘的誓言戒——不允许对自身的虐待和牺牲，我在此虔诚忏悔。 一切众生未有不曾做过我们的父母，无边的众生由于业际颠倒，做下了不可饶恕的罪业，我诚心诚意地为他们清净业障。并且我发愿，希望遍法界的一切众生，乃至如虱子等一切微小众生，临终时未有恐惧，不受痛苦，往生无量光佛的身边，获得圆满正等正觉的果位。因此我愿供养自己的寿命和身体。也为了人天导师尊者达赖喇嘛丹增嘉措为主的所有高僧大德长久住世，而把我的寿命、身体化作曼札供奉给他们。 诸香涂地缤纷雨妙花 再次说明，我做出这一行为，绝无贪图名誉、恭敬、爱戴等自私自利的心态，而是清净的，虔诚的，如佛陀当年舍身饲虎一般，其他牺牲的藏人同胞也是如我一般，为了真理和自由而舍生取义。 事实上临终之际，若有嗔恨心很难得解脱，因此我希望我能做他们的引导者，愿以此供养的功德和力量使一切众生未来获得究竟佛的果位；并为国内外诸多高僧大德长久住世，尤其希望尊者达赖喇嘛丹增嘉措为了雪域政教永世长存： 雪山绵延环绕的净土 呀！诸多的金刚道友和各地的信徒们，大家要团结一致，同心协力，为雪域藏人未来的自由，为藏地真正成为我们自己的家园，为这样的曙光，大家要团结一致，为了这个共同目标而奋斗，这也是所有献出宝贵生命的英雄们的心愿，因此无利益的一切行径必须要放弃，比如那些为了争夺草山而自相争斗等。 年轻的藏人要努力、勤奋地学习十明等藏人的文化及理论知识，年老的藏人也要把自己的身口意融入到善法之中，大家要共同弘扬和发展我们民族传统的文化、语言、文字、风俗习惯等，大家都要力所能及地，为了藏人的幸福和一切众生暂时获得世间圆满以至究竟获得佛的果位而多做善事，这非常重要，祝愿大家吉祥如意！ 我还要告诉我的家人和亲朋好友、×××（译者注：提到一个名字但听不清楚）：我身无分文，我的一切财产早已布施在佛法方面，请你们不要说这里有我的财产、那里有我的财产，或者这里那里有我的东西。我什么都没有，我的兄弟姐妹、亲戚朋友和施主们请记住这一点。还有，希望我做担保的一些乡亲、喇嘛、祖古的物品，你们要按约定的时间如数交还。 自他三世一切善法回向给一切众生等，特别是在地狱等三恶趣的众生。 最后，国内外的所有法友们，请你们不要难过，请你们为善知识们祈祷，乃至菩提间我们未有离别。依怙我的老人们和百姓们也请如是发愿，无论快乐与痛苦、好与坏、喜与悲，我们都要依靠上师三宝，除了三宝再没有依靠处，请你们不要忘记，扎西德勒！ 译者注： 【1】图丹欧珠：1998年，在印度德里举行的绝食抗议中国的活动中，流亡藏人图丹欧珠点火自焚牺牲，年约六十多岁。  | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Is Democracy Chinese? An Interview with Journalist Chang Ping Posted: 28 Jan 2012 02:29 AM PST Is Democracy Chinese? An Interview with Journalist Chang PingIan JohnsonThis is the fourth in an NYRblog series about the fate of democracy in different parts of the world.  Ian Johnson Chang Ping Chang Ping is one of China's best-known commentators on contemporary affairs. Chang, whose real name is Zhang Ping, first established himself in the late 1990s in Guangzhou, where his hard-hitting stories exposed scandals and championed freedom of expression. As censorship has tightened in recent years, Chang's pleas for openness and accountability have put him under pressure. The 43-year-old is currently living with his wife and daughter in Germany at the former country home of the Nobel Prize winner Heinrich Böll, which has been converted into a refuge for persecuted writers. Chang's travails began in 2001, when he was removed as news director ofSouthern Weekend, then a daring weekly that had won readers across the country. He became deputy editor of Southern Metropolis Weekly, but was removed in 2008, and subsequently banned from print, after publishing an editorial questioning government censorship of that year's Tibetan uprising. One year ago, he was finally fired by the newspaper, with an editor saying his work was "inappropriate."Last March, Chang joined a newly launched Hong Kong-based magazine, iSun Affairs, as chief editor but was denied a visa and has not been allowed into the former British colony. Ian Johnson: You grew up in the 1970s; did you experience anything of the Cultural Revolution? Chang Ping: My father was a low-level official in our hometown in Xichong County (in rural Sichuan) and got caught up in the factionalism of the Cultural Revolution. When I was young I attended an elementary school that was located on the side of the road. If you entered or left the village you passed it. I remember one day he was standing outside the window looking in at me. That afternoon I went home and said to my mother: "Dad was very strange. Dad was outside the school window staring at me." My mother started crying and said, "Dad has gone and we don't know if he'll ever return again." He had fled to a neighboring county to escape violence. We couldn't visit him but we would get letters from him and my mother would read them to us. I was about eight years old. Soon after this, reform and opening up started. We studied the Four Modernizations (a project to develop the fields of agriculture, industry, defense, and research and development) and were told that they would be realized by 2000. We wrote so many essays about how to achieve the Four Modernizations. I remember very clearly in 1984, at the 35th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic, how the students at Peking University said "Hello Xiaoping!" to Deng Xiaoping when he drove by at a rally. It was on the radio and I was really moved. I thought: China has got such hope, such a bright future. So you thought everything was great. You heard about the developments in Beijing and were excited. Yes and I was doing well in school too. When you're personally successful, you tend to think that things are going well. You're optimistic. I thought things were going well but in some ways I was an angry youth. There's no contradiction there. You believe, but you want to improve things. During the 1986 student movement, people like Liu Binyan, Fang Lizhi, and Wang Ruowang criticized the party and Deng Xiaoping. I remember hearing about it on the radio and felt in my heart that they were heroes. At the time I loved literature. In the 1980s, literature was at a peak. I subscribed to a lot of magazines like Harvest and People's Literature. I remember reading Mo Yan's Red Sorghum and thinking, Wow, someone can write like that. I remember vividly that I was sitting outside and was so moved by that story. I didn't quite understand everything but was influenced by it. Also Yu Hua's short stories, for example. But you know that at that time I was still a complete believer. The books I wanted to read the most were the original works of Marx and Engels. I wanted to learn German to read them. I went to college in 1987. Until then I'd been reading the classics of world literature, and contemporary Chinese fiction. But then at Sichuan University (in Chengdu) I read a series of books called Moving Toward the Future (走向未来丛书). It was an edited series introducing the great thinkers in other fields. This was a start for me and afterwards I read a lot of western literature, philosophy, and history. The series was really influential in the 1980s and if you look at the editorial staff, they all suffered after June 4 (the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre). I guess from today's point of view you'd say they had intellectual property rights problems—they just translated or cribbed from foreign publications. But for us it opened a world of psychology, sociology, and literature. One book I have to mention is A Theory of Justice by John Rawls. We'd just read these books so fast and share them. Everyone was fascinated by Western philosophy especially. It didn't matter what your major was, you were interested in Western philosophy, like Heidegger or Sartre. How did you experience June 4? In Chengdu, you were quite far away from Beijing, the center of it. A lot was going on in Chengdu. We had protests all the time. People came from Beijing with news and we'd put them up in our dorm rooms and share their information. There were dialogues and demands to negotiate with the government. I helped organize protests. But I didn't really join the main student protest committee. Ever since high school I made one of Confucius's sayings my motto: "The superior man is dignified, but does not wrangle. He is sociable but not a partisan." So I did not want to join any movement. In high school I was in the Communist Youth League and wanted to leave. They said, you can't leave; there is no mechanism to leave. But I didn't join the party. I didn't want to be a member of anything, so in 1989 I wasn't in the student committees. Still, I organized protests and was seen as a leader. I got arrested after June 4. However, during the protests many students had been on a hunger strike and I had opposed that. For that I think they let me out of jail earlier. I think some students opposed me for opposing the hunger strike but that was my view: a hunger strike was pointless. I thought it was good to propagate democracy in factories and in the countryside. So you're a pragmatist? Actually, many people think I'm more of an idealist. I still think China needs democracy, that it needs to change. I really oppose several arguments [that are commonly made] about why China can't have democracy, such as the argument that China is unique—that Chinese people need to wait because their "quality" [a Chinese term, suzhi, that implies everything from educational level to manners] isn't high enough and other ridiculous things like that. Some people said that democracy wasn't part of Chinese culture, and then Taiwan became democratic. Then they said that Taiwan was a special case. Now look at Wukan. They had their own elections. People say it's special, but in fact Wukan is really typically Chinese. It's a Chinese town but they organized everything. So what argument are you left with? If Wukan can have democracy so can other parts of China. I'm not saying that China should have western-style democracy. In fact, there's not a single western model. What do they mean? Germany didn't copy America and America didn't copy Britain. The issue isn't copying. It's do you or don't you want democracy? Of course democracy has a lot of problems but it's a way forward. Since the 1980s, Chinese have been pragmatic. The question since the Cultural Revolution has been: can it work? This was Deng Xiaoping's biggest influence on Chinese people. They ask if it'll work or not. Now China has the world's second-largest economy and could overtake the US. So in terms of market economics it's been successful and I support this. What we lack is justice. There is no justice in the current system. It's a practical issue. We need justice. Democracy is a way to bring justice. This is why democracy is necessary. The government doesn't discuss rule of law much anymore. It's become more and more a hooligan way of ruling. They just arrest people and throw them in jail or mental asylums. So the past decade has seen a hooliganization of the political system. Many of the old virtues are destroyed by this. The virtues of humanism, responsibilities of the government—the bottom line is things are disappearing. That's why we've had these terrible events of recent years, like Yue Yue. Yue Yue is the little girl who was run over by a van and no one stopped to help her. One recourse to this perceived spiritual vacuum has been that people are getting more and more interested in religion. Many are interested in it. Scholars hope that this will help develop more virtues in society or provide some moral guidelines. There is a spiritual vacuum. I really respect religion, but I believe in the special importance of democracy, civic spirit, and freedom in politics, society, and culture for solving the spiritual crisis. What about your new magazine? It's run by iSun Cable Television from Hong Kong. Right now we're a new media organization. We offer on iPad, Android and are planning a Kindle version too. You can also get copies as a pdf. But we are going to print too. We have a staff of twenty. We have 6,000 subscribers on iPad, mostly on the mainland. We also have more than 10,000 who get it as an email. We've been able to report on taboo topics in China, such as [jailed Nobel Peace Prize winner] Liu Xiaobo, press controls, and the trend of independent candidates running for office. Obviously the authorities knew about the project before it started. You haven't been able to get a visa since you applied last March and Reporters Without Borders sent an open letter to Donald Tsang, chief executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. According to the Hong Kong authorities' own rules they should have answered my application within a month, but they haven't approved or rejected the application. It's already been nine months, so this is why people are talking about influence from the mainland. The magazine was one of the first to cover several recent key political events, like the Wukan uprising. You have had by far the most comprehensive coverage of it. But you also have much on culture. Over the past year cultural figures in China have become embroiled in politics. How do you see the role of people like the artist Ai Weiwei? The original work of the popular and famous artists was all political—many of them were influenced by people like Andy Warhol. They dealt with issues in society. But after a while when they sold so much that they became super rich and didn't care much for social issues. To be honest, they just repeated themselves a lot. I have respect for Ai Weiwei because he is concerned with society. He is involved and engaged. It's not his fault that he's become more and more popular in the West. It's the same with Liu Xiaobo or Vaclav Havel. This criticism isn't fair. What about the writer Han Han's recent blogposts arguing that democracy may not be well suited to Chinese people? This seems to echo some of the other critics who say that China isn't read for democracy. He mentions that people have a "low quality" and that democracy could become a problem because it could lead to violence. This is a view the government has propagated for a long time. It's like saying you can't practice swimming until you can swim and you can't swim because you can't practice. Also, the arguments aren't new. Many were made publicly last year, around the time of the centenary of the 1911 revolution. But he influences a lot of people so his bringing it up is interesting. It shows how restricted China's political system is. I think that what we're seeing is the loss of hope by a lot of people in change taking place, so they're making excuses about why it can't happen. The decline in morals has lead to an increase in violence—violence against opponents, protesters, and others—not because we're having a revolution but because we are not. January 27, 2012, 1:45 p.m. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| La gente di Wukan, bassorilievo sulla storia Posted: 28 Jan 2012 02:27 AM PST 存档：《乌坎人，历史的浮雕》意大利文翻译。 La gente di Wukan, bassorilievo sulla storia Autore: Chang Ping (长平) Articolo Originale: 乌坎人，历史的浮雕 Dopo aver ripercorso le vicende del 2011, Chang Ping racconta la protesta di Wukan esplorandone il significato nuovo che assume nella storia delle proteste contadine in Cina. Chang Ping smentisce alcuni pregiudizi per cui i cinesi non sono fatti per la democrazia. L'articolo è stato pubblicato su iSun Affairs il 23 dicembre 2011. Gente di Wukan. Gente di Wukan. Devo sforzarmi per non far diventare questo testo una poesia lirica. Gente di Wukan. Gente di Wukan. Meritate le lodi di tutti i cinesi, ma spero che il vostro nome non diventi una leggenda. Frotte di polizia e agenti in borghese, pressati all'ingresso del McDonald's di Wangfujing. Così è iniziato il 2011. Mentre sbocciavano gelsomini nel mondo arabo, l'attitudine risoluta del governo cinese nei confronti di rivoluzionari pieni di speranza continua a fare affidamento alla forza armata per mantenere l'autorità. È l'immagine simbolica della cruda interferenza nella vita della gente comune. Quindi l'arresto di Ran Yunfei, la scomparsa di Ai Weiwei, gli avvocati dei weiquan (1) messi a tacere. Linyi, villaggio dello Shandong dove abita Chen Guangcheng è diventato un antro oscuro noto in tutto il mondo, dove i visitatori vengono colpiti e derubati, mentre il governo spende soldi per tramutare gli abitanti del villaggio in farabutti. […] I netizen hanno reso Weibo l'ancora di salvezza dell'opinione pubblica, la saggezza popolare è venuta fuori, ma l'atteggiamento (restrittivo) del governo si è rafforzato colpendo i siti commerciali. […] L'economia cinese, prima sostenuta come salvatrice della crisi economica mondiale, all'improvviso si è indebolita. Il mercato della proprietà immobiliare ha barcollato sul filo tremolante di Weibo, e la finanza da tempo fluttua come un cadavere per il paese. Le aziende di proprietà statale indulgono nella baldoria del monopolio, mentre restano ardui i mezzi di sussistenza di piccole e medie imprese. Agli utenti di Weibo viene richiesto il vero nome per esprimersi, mentre le proprietà dei funzionari non possono essere rese pubbliche. […] L'improvvisa comparsa di candidati indipendenti in elezioni a livello locale ha fatto rinascere il sogno di un cambiamento del sistema. Il governo ha abbandonato anche i fronzoli tollerati sotto il potere per più di dieci anni, colpendo apertamente i candidati indipendenti. Proteste e segnali di fumo ovunque. […] La situazione è troppo complicata, la realtà troppo brutale. Così dicono i cinesi. Alla fine dell'anno, fortunatamente, vediamo la gente di Wukan. Hanno reso tutto così semplice. Hanno usato l'azione per screditare innumerevoli menzogne, aprendo un nuovo capitolo della politica democratica cinese. La fine del 2011 diventa un nuovo inizio. Il grido della gente di Wukan è simile a quello di numerosi cinesi, che per anni si sono opposti alla corruzione dei livelli base. Il segretario del Partito del villaggio, in carica per quarant'anni, ha seguito le regole di potere e le pratiche cinesi, affidandosi al dispotismo e alla corruzione veniale. Si può immaginare la collusione tra i livelli alti e bassi della politica e la non trasparenza nei confronti delle persone. Caso comune a molte parti della Cina, la compravendita della terra è diventato il metodo che i funzionari usano per arricchirsi. Gli abitanti dei villaggi si sono appellati più volte alle autorità, hanno fatto petizioni su petizioni. Gli appelli vengono ignorati, le azioni schiacciate, la dignità umiliata. Allora [gli abitanti del villaggio] lanciano una protesta ancora più grande, e quello che incontrano è la polizia armata di manganelli, scudi e lacrimogeni. E ancora minacce del governo e false promesse. Hanno fondato delle organizzazioni autonome di villaggio, hanno eletto democraticamente i propri leader e accolto giornalisti stranieri. Il governo, di cui al momento delle petizioni non si vedeva l'ombra, all'improvviso si desta. Riaffiora lo spirito del "editoriale del 26 aprile" di 22 anni fa (2). L'esigua minoranza viene definita come cospiratrice di trame diaboliche e la restante maggioranza come scriteriati, incitati e strumentalizzati da una cospirazione di forze ostili straniere. […] Come successo in altre città e villaggi, quello che aspetta [la gente di] Wukan è una ripulita violenta e il momento opportuno per fare i conti. Alcuni leader sono stati arrestati in segreto. Xue Jinpo, uno dei capi del villaggio è morto dopo l'arresto. La morte può portare terrore, oppure la resistenza a costo della vita. La gente di Wukan ha scelto la seconda. Hanno eretto barricate e ostacoli alla polizia, hanno continuato a ricevere giornalisti stranieri, servendosi dei nuovi media per portare avanti la propaganda, preparando azioni più grandi, mandando ultimatum al governo, mettendo in guardia i funzionari implicati… Il mondo intero è stato in ansia per la loro sicurezza. Poi tutto è volto al meglio. La polizia si è ritirata, e sono arrivati i funzionari per procedere con i negoziati. Gli abitanti di Wukan hanno vinto i negoziati. Il governo ha acconsentito a tre delle loro richieste: la liberazione degli arrestati, la restituzione dei corpi dei loro morti per effettuare l'autopsia, il riconoscimento della legittimità delle organizzazioni autonome degli abitanti. Anche se si tratta di promesse verbali che non è detto vengano realizzate, la gente di Wukan ha già scritto la storia. Le dimostrazioni sono ancora in corso, la polizia se ne è andata: è la prima volta. Il riconoscimento degli abitanti del villaggio come soggetto della richiesta di interessi; il ritiro degli stupidi pretesti di strumentalizzazione e incitamento delle forze ostili straniere. È la prima volta. L'incrinatura del controllo del governo, la realizzazione di tre mesi di autogoverno, l'elezione di un consiglio di autogoverno, la vittoria dei diritti civili. È la prima volta. E soprattutto, per la prima volta il governo è stato forzato a riconoscere un consiglio precedentemente definito "organizzazione illegale". Ancor più degno di nota, come ha notato Chen Ping, il direttore di questa testata, è che per la prima volta che i contadini cinesi sono saliti sul palco della storia con uno status di cittadini, mettendo in pratica – per la prima volta nella Cina rurale – un autogoverno moderno e democratico. […] Le menzogne inculcate dal governo servendosi di qualunque metodo sono già diventate verità per molti. Non solo molti cinesi non le mettono in discussione, ma sempre più stranieri annuiscono. Menzogna numero uno: i cinesi non sono adatti alla democrazia, che disprezzano. Il villaggio di Wukan, ha un nome tipicamente cinese e detiene una ricca tradizione culturale. Qui le idee patriarcali sono molto radicate e per sessant'anni è stato educato dal Partito comunista: è un tipico villaggio cinese. Non solo Wukan anela alla democrazia, ma i suoi abitanti l'hanno realizzata e non esitano a dare la vita per difenderne i risultati. Menzogna numero due: i cinesi non sono educati alla democrazia, i cambiamenti devono avvenire gradualmente. Di certo la democrazia è una disciplina, e ha bisogno di essere coltivata nel tempo. Ma la base della democrazia, comprensibile anche ai bambini di tre anni, è scegliere equamente le persone adatte a rappresentare tutti. Senza la realizzazione della democrazia il risultato è dispotismo, e non può diventarne causa. […] I fatti di Wukan dimostrano che i cinesi possono attuare la democrazia come qualunque altra nazione. Menzogna numero tre: senza la guida del Partito comunista, in Cina sarebbe il caos. Credo che quarant'anni siano stati sufficienti per radicare il potere e l'influenza del segretario di Partito del villaggio di Wukan; in caso di rinuncia, il corpo amministrativo ne risulterebbe paralizzato. Certamente sarebbe così, ma il sistema che verrebbe dopo, non avrebbe le difficoltà generate dal terrore? […] Menzogna numero quattro: se non si fa uso della violenza per mantenere la stabilità, le masse perdono la testa, spaccano, rompono, saccheggiano e bruciano tutto senza limiti. Le dimostrazioni di protesta sicuramente possono sfociare in disordini, ma non si tratta di un errore della democrazia, ma del risultato della corruzione del dispotismo. Anche se le dimostrazioni sfociano in disordini, non è comunque più grave della polizia e dell'esercito che aprono il fuoco sulla gente. Come dimostrato dalla protesta di Wukan e altri villaggi, i cinesi non vogliono che si infami la democrazia. La ricerca dell'ordine e della razionalità supera il volere egoista dell'ufficiale governativo che opera a suo piacimento in un sistema autocratico. […] Note al testo: (1) Con l'espressione 维权运动 "Movimento per la difesa dei diritti" si intende quel gruppo di avvocati che senza opporsi al sistema legale vigente, sostiene e difende i diritti civili dei cittadini, attraverso processi legali e attivismo anche mediatico. (2) Durante la Protesta di piazza Tian'anmen del 1989, l'editoriale del 26 aprile del Quotidiano del Popolo condannò come illegali le dimostrazioni studentesche. L'editoriale aumentò la tensione tra il governo e i manifestanti, e gli alti dirigenti del PCC discussero se modificarlo. http://www.tsquare.tv/chronology/April26ed.html (Traduzione di Lucia De Carlo) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Posted: 28 Jan 2012 03:02 AM PST 看到一个消息：2012年1月28日上午7：33，中国著名指挥家陈传熙因病在华东医院去世，享年96岁。40余年的执棒生涯，由他配乐演奏指挥的影片近600部，他为中国电影做出了突出贡献。 陈传熙这个名字，对现代人来说已经相当陌生，可是对于我们这些经历过红色年代露天电影的人来说，陈传熙却是一个不可或缺、挥之不去的符号人物。用符号人物来说其他人，也许还会语焉不详，可是用此来说陈传熙先生，却是名至实归。陈传熙先生是真正的，一个时代的传说。 上世纪五十、六十、七十年代甚至八十年代的某些时段，几乎所有中国电影后面，剧终都会出现指挥"陈传熙"这三个字。那些年代过来的人，如果说没有见过"陈传熙"这三个字，要么是他从来没有看过电影，要么就是他得了健忘症和老年痴呆。那个年代，陈传熙的名字比朗朗、李云迪、盛中国等加起来还有名，是真正的明星。跟其他明星见其名见其人闻其声所不同的是，我们都看到过陈传熙的名字，却几乎很少有人见过他的样子和听到过他的声音。在现代人看来，这是一个奇迹。非常幸与不幸，我经历和见证了那个年代！ 又一个远去年代的标志人物远去了，96岁高寿，陈老先生应该走得很安详。同样，他走的时刻，这个世界也很安详，除了我们这些经历过那些年代、还保留着那些年代记忆的人。传说已经远去，陈老先生的走，波澜不惊。 随着这些标志人物们的凋零，那个曾经如火如荼的疯狂年代也已经凋零成残骸和遗迹。可是阴影和伤痕还在，伤痕应该保留，而阴影却应该挥去。因为毕竟，任何人都不该回到那样一个扭曲的年代里，即使那个年代是如何红彤彤的。 陈传熙先生，安息！ 小远2012年1月28日18:56雨 上海理道之理道文化兔，我只是一只有文化的兔子 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Posted: 28 Jan 2012 02:55 AM PST 为了让大家看看当一个团伙因为发泄私愤，预设立场再有罪推论进行到丧心病狂的时候，他们的表现会多么的拙劣，会闹怎么样的笑话。纵然闹下......>>点击查看新浪博客原文 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Is Democracy Chinese? An Interview with Journalist Chang Ping Posted: 28 Jan 2012 02:29 AM PST Is Democracy Chinese? An Interview with Journalist Chang PingIan JohnsonThis is the fourth in an NYRblog series about the fate of democracy in different parts of the world. Ian Johnson Chang Ping Chang Ping is one of China's best-known commentators on contemporary affairs. Chang, whose real name is Zhang Ping, first established himself in the late 1990s in Guangzhou, where his hard-hitting stories exposed scandals and championed freedom of expression. As censorship has tightened in recent years, Chang's pleas for openness and accountability have put him under pressure. The 43-year-old is currently living with his wife and daughter in Germany at the former country home of the Nobel Prize winner Heinrich Böll, which has been converted into a refuge for persecuted writers. Chang's travails began in 2001, when he was removed as news director ofSouthern Weekend, then a daring weekly that had won readers across the country. He became deputy editor of Southern Metropolis Weekly, but was removed in 2008, and subsequently banned from print, after publishing an editorial questioning government censorship of that year's Tibetan uprising. One year ago, he was finally fired by the newspaper, with an editor saying his work was "inappropriate."Last March, Chang joined a newly launched Hong Kong-based magazine, iSun Affairs, as chief editor but was denied a visa and has not been allowed into the former British colony. Ian Johnson: You grew up in the 1970s; did you experience anything of the Cultural Revolution? Chang Ping: My father was a low-level official in our hometown in Xichong County (in rural Sichuan) and got caught up in the factionalism of the Cultural Revolution. When I was young I attended an elementary school that was located on the side of the road. If you entered or left the village you passed it. I remember one day he was standing outside the window looking in at me. That afternoon I went home and said to my mother: "Dad was very strange. Dad was outside the school window staring at me." My mother started crying and said, "Dad has gone and we don't know if he'll ever return again." He had fled to a neighboring county to escape violence. We couldn't visit him but we would get letters from him and my mother would read them to us. I was about eight years old. Soon after this, reform and opening up started. We studied the Four Modernizations (a project to develop the fields of agriculture, industry, defense, and research and development) and were told that they would be realized by 2000. We wrote so many essays about how to achieve the Four Modernizations. I remember very clearly in 1984, at the 35th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic, how the students at Peking University said "Hello Xiaoping!" to Deng Xiaoping when he drove by at a rally. It was on the radio and I was really moved. I thought: China has got such hope, such a bright future. So you thought everything was great. You heard about the developments in Beijing and were excited. Yes and I was doing well in school too. When you're personally successful, you tend to think that things are going well. You're optimistic. I thought things were going well but in some ways I was an angry youth. There's no contradiction there. You believe, but you want to improve things. During the 1986 student movement, people like Liu Binyan, Fang Lizhi, and Wang Ruowang criticized the party and Deng Xiaoping. I remember hearing about it on the radio and felt in my heart that they were heroes. At the time I loved literature. In the 1980s, literature was at a peak. I subscribed to a lot of magazines like Harvest and People's Literature. I remember reading Mo Yan's Red Sorghum and thinking, Wow, someone can write like that. I remember vividly that I was sitting outside and was so moved by that story. I didn't quite understand everything but was influenced by it. Also Yu Hua's short stories, for example. But you know that at that time I was still a complete believer. The books I wanted to read the most were the original works of Marx and Engels. I wanted to learn German to read them. I went to college in 1987. Until then I'd been reading the classics of world literature, and contemporary Chinese fiction. But then at Sichuan University (in Chengdu) I read a series of books called Moving Toward the Future (走向未来丛书). It was an edited series introducing the great thinkers in other fields. This was a start for me and afterwards I read a lot of western literature, philosophy, and history. The series was really influential in the 1980s and if you look at the editorial staff, they all suffered after June 4 (the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre). I guess from today's point of view you'd say they had intellectual property rights problems—they just translated or cribbed from foreign publications. But for us it opened a world of psychology, sociology, and literature. One book I have to mention is A Theory of Justice by John Rawls. We'd just read these books so fast and share them. Everyone was fascinated by Western philosophy especially. It didn't matter what your major was, you were interested in Western philosophy, like Heidegger or Sartre. How did you experience June 4? In Chengdu, you were quite far away from Beijing, the center of it. A lot was going on in Chengdu. We had protests all the time. People came from Beijing with news and we'd put them up in our dorm rooms and share their information. There were dialogues and demands to negotiate with the government. I helped organize protests. But I didn't really join the main student protest committee. Ever since high school I made one of Confucius's sayings my motto: "The superior man is dignified, but does not wrangle. He is sociable but not a partisan." So I did not want to join any movement. In high school I was in the Communist Youth League and wanted to leave. They said, you can't leave; there is no mechanism to leave. But I didn't join the party. I didn't want to be a member of anything, so in 1989 I wasn't in the student committees. Still, I organized protests and was seen as a leader. I got arrested after June 4. However, during the protests many students had been on a hunger strike and I had opposed that. For that I think they let me out of jail earlier. I think some students opposed me for opposing the hunger strike but that was my view: a hunger strike was pointless. I thought it was good to propagate democracy in factories and in the countryside. So you're a pragmatist? Actually, many people think I'm more of an idealist. I still think China needs democracy, that it needs to change. I really oppose several arguments [that are commonly made] about why China can't have democracy, such as the argument that China is unique—that Chinese people need to wait because their "quality" [a Chinese term, suzhi, that implies everything from educational level to manners] isn't high enough and other ridiculous things like that. Some people said that democracy wasn't part of Chinese culture, and then Taiwan became democratic. Then they said that Taiwan was a special case. Now look at Wukan. They had their own elections. People say it's special, but in fact Wukan is really typically Chinese. It's a Chinese town but they organized everything. So what argument are you left with? If Wukan can have democracy so can other parts of China. I'm not saying that China should have western-style democracy. In fact, there's not a single western model. What do they mean? Germany didn't copy America and America didn't copy Britain. The issue isn't copying. It's do you or don't you want democracy? Of course democracy has a lot of problems but it's a way forward. Since the 1980s, Chinese have been pragmatic. The question since the Cultural Revolution has been: can it work? This was Deng Xiaoping's biggest influence on Chinese people. They ask if it'll work or not. Now China has the world's second-largest economy and could overtake the US. So in terms of market economics it's been successful and I support this. What we lack is justice. There is no justice in the current system. It's a practical issue. We need justice. Democracy is a way to bring justice. This is why democracy is necessary. The government doesn't discuss rule of law much anymore. It's become more and more a hooligan way of ruling. They just arrest people and throw them in jail or mental asylums. So the past decade has seen a hooliganization of the political system. Many of the old virtues are destroyed by this. The virtues of humanism, responsibilities of the government—the bottom line is things are disappearing. That's why we've had these terrible events of recent years, like Yue Yue. Yue Yue is the little girl who was run over by a van and no one stopped to help her. One recourse to this perceived spiritual vacuum has been that people are getting more and more interested in religion. Many are interested in it. Scholars hope that this will help develop more virtues in society or provide some moral guidelines. There is a spiritual vacuum. I really respect religion, but I believe in the special importance of democracy, civic spirit, and freedom in politics, society, and culture for solving the spiritual crisis. What about your new magazine? It's run by iSun Cable Television from Hong Kong. Right now we're a new media organization. We offer on iPad, Android and are planning a Kindle version too. You can also get copies as a pdf. But we are going to print too. We have a staff of twenty. We have 6,000 subscribers on iPad, mostly on the mainland. We also have more than 10,000 who get it as an email. We've been able to report on taboo topics in China, such as [jailed Nobel Peace Prize winner] Liu Xiaobo, press controls, and the trend of independent candidates running for office. Obviously the authorities knew about the project before it started. You haven't been able to get a visa since you applied last March and Reporters Without Borders sent an open letter to Donald Tsang, chief executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. According to the Hong Kong authorities' own rules they should have answered my application within a month, but they haven't approved or rejected the application. It's already been nine months, so this is why people are talking about influence from the mainland. The magazine was one of the first to cover several recent key political events, like the Wukan uprising. You have had by far the most comprehensive coverage of it. But you also have much on culture. Over the past year cultural figures in China have become embroiled in politics. How do you see the role of people like the artist Ai Weiwei? The original work of the popular and famous artists was all political—many of them were influenced by people like Andy Warhol. They dealt with issues in society. But after a while when they sold so much that they became super rich and didn't care much for social issues. To be honest, they just repeated themselves a lot. I have respect for Ai Weiwei because he is concerned with society. He is involved and engaged. It's not his fault that he's become more and more popular in the West. It's the same with Liu Xiaobo or Vaclav Havel. This criticism isn't fair. What about the writer Han Han's recent blogposts arguing that democracy may not be well suited to Chinese people? This seems to echo some of the other critics who say that China isn't read for democracy. He mentions that people have a "low quality" and that democracy could become a problem because it could lead to violence. This is a view the government has propagated for a long time. It's like saying you can't practice swimming until you can swim and you can't swim because you can't practice. Also, the arguments aren't new. Many were made publicly last year, around the time of the centenary of the 1911 revolution. But he influences a lot of people so his bringing it up is interesting. It shows how restricted China's political system is. I think that what we're seeing is the loss of hope by a lot of people in change taking place, so they're making excuses about why it can't happen. The decline in morals has lead to an increase in violence—violence against opponents, protesters, and others—not because we're having a revolution but because we are not. January 27, 2012, 1:45 p.m. | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| La gente di Wukan, bassorilievo sulla storia Posted: 28 Jan 2012 02:27 AM PST 存档：《乌坎人，历史的浮雕》意大利文翻译。 La gente di Wukan, bassorilievo sulla storia Autore: Chang Ping (长平) Articolo Originale: 乌坎人，历史的浮雕 Dopo aver ripercorso le vicende del 2011, Chang Ping racconta la protesta di Wukan esplorandone il significato nuovo che assume nella storia delle proteste contadine in Cina. Chang Ping smentisce alcuni pregiudizi per cui i cinesi non sono fatti per la democrazia. L'articolo è stato pubblicato su iSun Affairs il 23 dicembre 2011. Gente di Wukan. Gente di Wukan. Devo sforzarmi per non far diventare questo testo una poesia lirica. Gente di Wukan. Gente di Wukan. Meritate le lodi di tutti i cinesi, ma spero che il vostro nome non diventi una leggenda. Frotte di polizia e agenti in borghese, pressati all'ingresso del McDonald's di Wangfujing. Così è iniziato il 2011. Mentre sbocciavano gelsomini nel mondo arabo, l'attitudine risoluta del governo cinese nei confronti di rivoluzionari pieni di speranza continua a fare affidamento alla forza armata per mantenere l'autorità. È l'immagine simbolica della cruda interferenza nella vita della gente comune. Quindi l'arresto di Ran Yunfei, la scomparsa di Ai Weiwei, gli avvocati dei weiquan (1) messi a tacere. Linyi, villaggio dello Shandong dove abita Chen Guangcheng è diventato un antro oscuro noto in tutto il mondo, dove i visitatori vengono colpiti e derubati, mentre il governo spende soldi per tramutare gli abitanti del villaggio in farabutti. […] I netizen hanno reso Weibo l'ancora di salvezza dell'opinione pubblica, la saggezza popolare è venuta fuori, ma l'atteggiamento (restrittivo) del governo si è rafforzato colpendo i siti commerciali. […] L'economia cinese, prima sostenuta come salvatrice della crisi economica mondiale, all'improvviso si è indebolita. Il mercato della proprietà immobiliare ha barcollato sul filo tremolante di Weibo, e la finanza da tempo fluttua come un cadavere per il paese. Le aziende di proprietà statale indulgono nella baldoria del monopolio, mentre restano ardui i mezzi di sussistenza di piccole e medie imprese. Agli utenti di Weibo viene richiesto il vero nome per esprimersi, mentre le proprietà dei funzionari non possono essere rese pubbliche. […] L'improvvisa comparsa di candidati indipendenti in elezioni a livello locale ha fatto rinascere il sogno di un cambiamento del sistema. Il governo ha abbandonato anche i fronzoli tollerati sotto il potere per più di dieci anni, colpendo apertamente i candidati indipendenti. Proteste e segnali di fumo ovunque. […] La situazione è troppo complicata, la realtà troppo brutale. Così dicono i cinesi. Alla fine dell'anno, fortunatamente, vediamo la gente di Wukan. Hanno reso tutto così semplice. Hanno usato l'azione per screditare innumerevoli menzogne, aprendo un nuovo capitolo della politica democratica cinese. La fine del 2011 diventa un nuovo inizio. Il grido della gente di Wukan è simile a quello di numerosi cinesi, che per anni si sono opposti alla corruzione dei livelli base. Il segretario del Partito del villaggio, in carica per quarant'anni, ha seguito le regole di potere e le pratiche cinesi, affidandosi al dispotismo e alla corruzione veniale. Si può immaginare la collusione tra i livelli alti e bassi della politica e la non trasparenza nei confronti delle persone. Caso comune a molte parti della Cina, la compravendita della terra è diventato il metodo che i funzionari usano per arricchirsi. Gli abitanti dei villaggi si sono appellati più volte alle autorità, hanno fatto petizioni su petizioni. Gli appelli vengono ignorati, le azioni schiacciate, la dignità umiliata. Allora [gli abitanti del villaggio] lanciano una protesta ancora più grande, e quello che incontrano è la polizia armata di manganelli, scudi e lacrimogeni. E ancora minacce del governo e false promesse. Hanno fondato delle organizzazioni autonome di villaggio, hanno eletto democraticamente i propri leader e accolto giornalisti stranieri. Il governo, di cui al momento delle petizioni non si vedeva l'ombra, all'improvviso si desta. Riaffiora lo spirito del "editoriale del 26 aprile" di 22 anni fa (2). L'esigua minoranza viene definita come cospiratrice di trame diaboliche e la restante maggioranza come scriteriati, incitati e strumentalizzati da una cospirazione di forze ostili straniere. […] Come successo in altre città e villaggi, quello che aspetta [la gente di] Wukan è una ripulita violenta e il momento opportuno per fare i conti. Alcuni leader sono stati arrestati in segreto. Xue Jinpo, uno dei capi del villaggio è morto dopo l'arresto. La morte può portare terrore, oppure la resistenza a costo della vita. La gente di Wukan ha scelto la seconda. Hanno eretto barricate e ostacoli alla polizia, hanno continuato a ricevere giornalisti stranieri, servendosi dei nuovi media per portare avanti la propaganda, preparando azioni più grandi, mandando ultimatum al governo, mettendo in guardia i funzionari implicati… Il mondo intero è stato in ansia per la loro sicurezza. Poi tutto è volto al meglio. La polizia si è ritirata, e sono arrivati i funzionari per procedere con i negoziati. Gli abitanti di Wukan hanno vinto i negoziati. Il governo ha acconsentito a tre delle loro richieste: la liberazione degli arrestati, la restituzione dei corpi dei loro morti per effettuare l'autopsia, il riconoscimento della legittimità delle organizzazioni autonome degli abitanti. Anche se si tratta di promesse verbali che non è detto vengano realizzate, la gente di Wukan ha già scritto la storia. Le dimostrazioni sono ancora in corso, la polizia se ne è andata: è la prima volta. Il riconoscimento degli abitanti del villaggio come soggetto della richiesta di interessi; il ritiro degli stupidi pretesti di strumentalizzazione e incitamento delle forze ostili straniere. È la prima volta. L'incrinatura del controllo del governo, la realizzazione di tre mesi di autogoverno, l'elezione di un consiglio di autogoverno, la vittoria dei diritti civili. È la prima volta. E soprattutto, per la prima volta il governo è stato forzato a riconoscere un consiglio precedentemente definito "organizzazione illegale". Ancor più degno di nota, come ha notato Chen Ping, il direttore di questa testata, è che per la prima volta che i contadini cinesi sono saliti sul palco della storia con uno status di cittadini, mettendo in pratica – per la prima volta nella Cina rurale – un autogoverno moderno e democratico. […] Le menzogne inculcate dal governo servendosi di qualunque metodo sono già diventate verità per molti. Non solo molti cinesi non le mettono in discussione, ma sempre più stranieri annuiscono. Menzogna numero uno: i cinesi non sono adatti alla democrazia, che disprezzano. Il villaggio di Wukan, ha un nome tipicamente cinese e detiene una ricca tradizione culturale. Qui le idee patriarcali sono molto radicate e per sessant'anni è stato educato dal Partito comunista: è un tipico villaggio cinese. Non solo Wukan anela alla democrazia, ma i suoi abitanti l'hanno realizzata e non esitano a dare la vita per difenderne i risultati. Menzogna numero due: i cinesi non sono educati alla democrazia, i cambiamenti devono avvenire gradualmente. Di certo la democrazia è una disciplina, e ha bisogno di essere coltivata nel tempo. Ma la base della democrazia, comprensibile anche ai bambini di tre anni, è scegliere equamente le persone adatte a rappresentare tutti. Senza la realizzazione della democrazia il risultato è dispotismo, e non può diventarne causa. […] I fatti di Wukan dimostrano che i cinesi possono attuare la democrazia come qualunque altra nazione. Menzogna numero tre: senza la guida del Partito comunista, in Cina sarebbe il caos. Credo che quarant'anni siano stati sufficienti per radicare il potere e l'influenza del segretario di Partito del villaggio di Wukan; in caso di rinuncia, il corpo amministrativo ne risulterebbe paralizzato. Certamente sarebbe così, ma il sistema che verrebbe dopo, non avrebbe le difficoltà generate dal terrore? […] Menzogna numero quattro: se non si fa uso della violenza per mantenere la stabilità, le masse perdono la testa, spaccano, rompono, saccheggiano e bruciano tutto senza limiti. Le dimostrazioni di protesta sicuramente possono sfociare in disordini, ma non si tratta di un errore della democrazia, ma del risultato della corruzione del dispotismo. Anche se le dimostrazioni sfociano in disordini, non è comunque più grave della polizia e dell'esercito che aprono il fuoco sulla gente. Come dimostrato dalla protesta di Wukan e altri villaggi, i cinesi non vogliono che si infami la democrazia. La ricerca dell'ordine e della razionalità supera il volere egoista dell'ufficiale governativo che opera a suo piacimento in un sistema autocratico. […] Note al testo: (1) Con l'espressione 维权运动 "Movimento per la difesa dei diritti" si intende quel gruppo di avvocati che senza opporsi al sistema legale vigente, sostiene e difende i diritti civili dei cittadini, attraverso processi legali e attivismo anche mediatico. (2) Durante la Protesta di piazza Tian'anmen del 1989, l'editoriale del 26 aprile del Quotidiano del Popolo condannò come illegali le dimostrazioni studentesche. L'editoriale aumentò la tensione tra il governo e i manifestanti, e gli alti dirigenti del PCC discussero se modificarlo. http://www.tsquare.tv/chronology/April26ed.html (Traduzione di Lucia De Carlo) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Posted: 28 Jan 2012 01:23 AM PST 据网络消息，2012年1月25日20时12分，前中共中央总书记胡耀邦长子、中共中央统战部副部长胡德平在其新浪微博中说："我们所有的媒体都充满谎言！没有一句真话，到处吹嘘歌公颂德，我们的官员96%都贪污包二奶，这样搞很危险。我们欠人民的已太多！不要总是拿人民当傻瓜！奉劝一些人不要过于迷恋权力，卡扎菲满脸鲜血被打死还沥沥在目……人民不跟我们玩了，我们就玩完了！"而在中国新年前夕，前国家主席刘少奇之子、解放军总后勤部政委刘源上将在讲话中表示，"宁可丢官，也要与腐败进行你死我活的斗争。"两位前党和国家最高领导人的儿子，在新年的发言传出的信息，令人震撼。 特别是刘源的这番讲话，在中国大陆"越反腐，越腐败" …… | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Posted: 28 Jan 2012 01:27 AM PST 知乎上有个问题，"微信有哪些功能亮点，为什么？"。热门的产品，总有值得学习的地方，开放式的问题，答的不好也不会被骂，所以我就回答一嘴。 当然，我并不是从一开始就使用微信的，所以，在回答这个问题之前我特意去查了一下微信的发家史（见本文最后）。然后，我惊奇的发现，微信其实是个定位"摇摆不定"的产品。1.0版本，微信定位于手机端文字通讯工具；1.1版本开始加入插件，基本冲着通讯中心去的；2.0版本开始往着多媒体通讯工具发展；2.5版本开始是陌生人交友；3.0版本后被官方重新定义为一个生活方式….. 然而，一路走来，不断的迭代不断的发展，这个产品的受众范围越来越庞大，价值也随之增加。过年的时候惊奇的发现一个年近50的叔叔使用着微信跟儿女沟通！我同时也在微博上翻到了微信刚出来的时候很多专家的评语，太垃圾了，连抄袭(kik)都抄不好。不知道现在他们转身再看自己当初的微博的时候是什么感觉？ 对了，提醒一句，微信最开始的时候并没有导入通讯录而是一直依赖QQ自身的关系链、用户公司邮箱、微博等去导入用户关系的。第六个版本才开始导入通讯录。 好，言归正传，回答知乎上的这个问题，说说我理解的微信的产品亮点。 基于一个迭代了数个版本的产品去转身看他的亮点，完全算是一个用户的个人感受，算不得什么评论或者其他的。在我看来的很多亮点也许并不是设计者的初衷，很多亮点也许是当初误打误撞出来的也不是不可能。所以，以下观点我纯站在一个用户的角度去感受。 1、对性能的极致追求 在微信的前3个版本的版本介绍里都有这样的一句话，"为了保护您的隐私，微信不会自动扫描和上传您的通讯录。并且不透露信息是否已读，降低收信压力"，这段话直到1.3版本的时候才取消。其次，在低网络环境下，相对于其他App，微信更坚挺。同时，微信对图片的压缩也很值得称赞，可以将图片压缩到很小的KB但是质量却损耗很少。另外，曾经有人对比过米聊与微信的流量消耗，微信胜出很多。 以上的例子只是想说明，性能是微信的第一大亮点。因为我一直坚定的认为，在移动互联网中，应用的性能是最重要的用户体验，就像在电子商务中，系统与服务才是最重要的用户体验一样。在较长的一段时间内，中国的移动互联网用户依旧很在乎流量的消耗，在一段时间内，移动设备的性能仍然是移动产品一个较大的限制。 2、插件系统 微信从第二个版本开始就有了插件系统（早于语音及附近），我认为这是它最霸气的地方之一。这个插件系统最早是支持腾讯微博的私信，后来是QQ邮箱、QQ离线消息、语音记事本、….猜想一下，这个插件系统最早是奔着通讯中心去的，先拿自家产品实验，成为一个移动端的消息中心，也就是微信的第二个定位点。 不过目前这些插件还都是自家的，请允许我继续猜想一下，在不久的将来微信会把这个插件平台开放出去让第三方插件进来，比如附近的优惠、餐馆、酒店、出租车。那个时候，微信就真的是一个生活方式了！ 3、群聊，尤其是语音的 微信在第三个版本加入了文字群聊，随后的第五个版本里增加了语音群聊功能。语音和语音群聊的功能是微信一个比较大的突破，引发了真正意义上的用户爆发。 在我个人看来，QQ群和微信群聊都是在满足同样的需求，只是因为平台和工具不同最终实现方式不一样罢了。在移动端微信采用这种方式丰富和简单化了人与人之间的沟通，同时，也让群体的隐私最大程度获得保护。群聊开放之后，我的关系群绝大部分都转移到了微信上，老盆友之间的叙旧与扯淡，新朋友通过语音交谈快速认识与融入。 4、查看附近的人和摇一摇 这2个功能出现在第八个版本和第九个版本，应该是微信的另外2个爆发点。都是充分利用手机自身性能实现产品功能的手法。 值得一提的是，在摇一摇这个功能上，微信增加了很多人性的因素比如来福枪的声音和断背维纳斯并包装成一个大的产品人情味的卖点去宣传，收获颇丰。 5、个性签名、小游戏 个性签名其实是跟附近的人一起出来的，最早出来的时候是只有个性化头像的。把这2个和小游戏放在一起，是因为这3个都是降低陌生人之间勾搭的门槛，俗称破冰。 好吧，问题回答就此结束。微信还在继续迭代，我作为一个用户还在继续使用。在我看来，微信是一个迭代出来的生活方式。微信的起步看起来姿势很难看，但是走起来了之后就越来越有感觉，最终越走越好。事实上，很多产品都是这样的，所以，千万不要轻易对一个还在襁褓里的产品下定断。 在准备结束掉这篇有着强烈的捧臭脚和马后炮感脚的文章的时候发现微信更新到3.6版本。插件系统新增了腾讯微博推荐、腾讯新闻推荐、直接微信回复邮件。还是在继续的整合自身产品，继续其他第三方插件的进入。 另外，3.6版本的微信支持撤销正在说的语音功能，挺不理解的。这个问题之前跟人争论过，我的观点是这种本质上通讯的产品应该不支持语音撤销，就像发出去的文字无法撤销一样，因为消息要"即时"的，而说错了的语音消息会让沟通更符合沟通本身。 最后，附上微信的版本迭代历史（以ios为例，截止到3.5版本），另外，其实微信有一些小的版本，主要是修复bug，没有在此列出。数据来源：微信官方。
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